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IN&OUT
 Gary
Van Ooteghem
by Ann Walton Sieber
Our
community has lost one of its brightest stars. Gary
J. Van Ooteghem died on July 6, while undergoing surgery
at Twelve Oaks Hospital. He was 57. Gary was a true
leader: Soon after he moved to Houston in 1975, Gary
took the lead in advocating for gay rights and creating
a gay community, and he pretty much continued to work
for rights and community throughout the rest of his
life.
Almost exactly a quarter century ago, Gary Van Ooteghem
made a decision which was to irrevocably change his
life and the life of the Houston gay community. On August
1, 1975, Gary chose to go before the Harris County Commissioners’
Court and speak out about gay rights, as well as come
out publicly about his own homosexuality. He did this
even though he held a prestigious job with the county—as
county comptroller—and even though his boss (county
treasurer Harsall Gray) had forbidden him to do it,
so he knew he would lose his job. Nonetheless, preceded
by much publicity, Gary went before a packed Commissioners’
Court and proposed a civil rights resolution to protect
gays and other minorities against discrimination, denouncing
the politicians for their lack of initiative: “In
place of Harris County taking any positive position
on [the] problem of job discrimination of minorities
within local government, you have allowed the federal
government—by use of the 1964 and 1968 civil rights
acts—to pull you screaming and kicking into the
20th century.”
The Gay Political Caucus (GPC) had been formed shortly
before, and the GPC founders quickly recruited the high-profile
Van Ooteghem as the GPC’s first president. From
there, you can practically tick off the essential moments
in Houston’s gay history, and Gary Van Ooteghem
was there making them happen. He was seminal in pulling
together the march against Anita Bryant in 1978. That
same year he started the excellent bi-weekly newspaper
Upfront (“in the cause of human rights,” it
proclaimed under the masthead), which was in print for
three years. Gary served as publisher, and wrote engaging
and thoughtful editorials for each issue, from Harvey
Milk to Gary’s grandmother and why the caucus should
not discriminate against drag queens (see sidebar).
Gary helped coalesce the gay community at the same time
as he brought gay issues into the public spotlight.
Mickey Leland was one of his political contacts, and
ran endorsements from Gary (as well as other local gay
leaders) in his campaign advertisements. Gary himself
ran for both city council and Harris County treasurer,
even though he knew winning was not a possibility. Gary
helped start the Montrose Activity Center, an early
precursor to the current Lesbian & Gay Community
Center, and produced several plays there, with names
like El Grande de Coca Cola.
“What
he did, he created a community here where there wasn’t
one,” says Liz Vilven. Her father, Jim Vilven,
had been the graphic designer for Upfront, and Gary
was practically a member of the Vilven family. “Before
Gary, there was no cohesiveness—he pulled it together.”
“He
didn’t do it by himself, of course,” Jim chimed
in. “But he was in the forefront, getting it done.”
The Gay Political Caucus wrote a tribute to Gary in
1977, at the time of his resignation: “The debt
of gratitude that GPC and the gay activist movement
owes to Gary Van Ooteghem is immense. Gary’s vision
and drive have helped us accomplish what seemed to be
impossible.... Clearly, GPC is more than a single person.
But of all the people who have worked to make GPC the
great force for positive change that it is today, Gary
Van Ooteghem stands out very singularly.... Thanks for
giving so much of your self so that all of us can move
forward in obtaining our proper place in society.”
Gary Van Ooteghem was born February 2, 1942, in Bay
City, Michigan. As a young man, he served in the U.S.
Navy Reserve, then moved to Chicago, where he worked
first for Arthur Andersen & Co., and then subsequently
for one of their clients, Midwest Investors, as its
controller.
Gary moved to Houston in 1975 to take the position as
county comptroller. After Gary was fired from this position,
he sued in a long drawn-out court case. He did eventually
win, and was awarded back pay, but it all went to pay
his legal fees. In his work life, Gary became the chief
financial officer of the Doctors’ Club (a private
doctors’ club in The Medical Center) and controller
of Prentice Colour, Inc. and Allied Health Network.
Gary was renowned for his sense of organization, his
button-down leadership style, and his passion for meetings;
he was described by gay historian Bruce Remmington as
“conciliation in a three-piece suit.” In 1976,
Gary started the Executive and Professional Association
of Houston, a gay business organization. Gary was definitely
controversial; he challenged the GPC, saying it was
too liberal for a caucus that was supposed to be all-inclusive
of a variety of political viewpoints, according to the
Vilvens. Much later, Gary took an active role with the
Log Cabin Republicans of Houston, serving as president
from 1995 to 1998. Jim and Liz said that many mistakenly
thought that Gary was more conservative or Republican
than he really was.
“Gary
said that the Democrats were already on our side, so
we need to work on the Republicans,” said Jim Vilven.
“The fight’s not in the Democratic Party,
he said, it’s in the Republican Party.”
“Gary
was where the fight is,” Liz said. “That got
him in the door and in the face of the radical right.”
Gary and Liz went together as delegates to the 1996
Republican convention, where they encountered such homophobic
opposition that they almost got kicked out. “He
was trying to get through to the good people at the
Republican Party,” Liz said, “the ones who
didn’t care who you were sleeping with.... He was
trying to get these people to rationally think.”
Although Gary was fiscally conservative, Jim says that
he had definitely stood behind many a Democrat; he’d
been a lifelong friend and supporter of State Representative
Debra Danburg, and Jim says he and Gary were gearing
up to campaign for Gore, adding emphatically, “He
did not like George W. Bush.”
Even though Gary may have looked like Mr. CPA on the
outside, he also had an audacious playful side—for
holiday gatherings, he’d bring construction paper
and glue for group construction projects, or get everyone
making Velveeta cheese creations.
“Everybody
would sit around and play like kids,” remembers
Liz. “You know, that’s the hardest thing to
do as an adult, find your kid again. Gary knew how to
pull that creative self out of you. And you wouldn’t
think that meeting him, that he’d be that kind
of funny corny person.”
In his recent civic activities, Gary had become quite
active with gay youth, chairing the youth scholarship
foundation for PFLAG/H.A.T.C.H. Gary also chaired a
special candlelight service remembering and paying tribute
to Matthew Shepard in October 1998, and chaired the
High Noon Rally for Liberty in Fort Worth outside the
state Republican Party’s convention in June 1998.
At the time of his death, he was serving as chair of
the Houston EMA Ryan White Planning Council.
When Gary decided to make his stand before the County
Commissioners’ Court in 1975, he had just returned
to Houston from Washington, D.C., where he had met with
Leonard Matlovich, one of the heroes of American gay
history. A conservative sergeant in the Air Force, Matlovich
had been awarded all the top military honors when he
voluntarily came out to his supervising officer, creating
the seminal case that challenged the military’s
exclusion of gays. Perhaps it was this meeting that
inspired Gary Van Ooteghem to play a similar role in
the arena of his hometown. “Leonard Matlovich was
my role model,” Gary was quoted as saying, “and
I hope I can be someone else’s.”
As with pretty much every other goal Gary put his mind
to, I’d say that ambition has been fulfilled.
Only
20 Years Ago
The
repeal of Houston’s law against crossdressing
by Ann Walton Sieber
“You
are under arrest for dressing as the opposite sex.”
With these words, two so-called vice squad officers
arrested Anthony “Tony” Mayes (who later became
Anne Mayes), as reported in the October 1972 issue of
Nuntius,a now-defunct gay magazine in Houston.
Mayes was arrested under the crossdressing ordinance,
Section 28-42.4 of the city’s Code of Ordinances,
which prohibited “a person from appearing in public
dressed with the intent to disguise his or her sex as
that of the opposite sex.” This ordinance had its
roots in combination with other ordinances that went
all the way back to the year 1904, according to Phyllis
Frye, the prominent transgender lawyer and activist
who took on the outrageous ordinance and won.
As we celebrate the repeal of another repressive law
used to vilify the gay community, we thought it important
to remember and celebrate the repeal of the crossdressing
ordinance 20 years ago this August 12. “The reasoning
of the ordinance was totally specious to begin with,”
said Jackie Thorne, president of the Gulf Coast Transgender
Community, “Very similar to 21.06, the sodomy statute,
it was used more to harass than anything else.”
Mayes was the most well-known person prosecuted under
the law, being arrested multiple times, sometimes on
the steps of the police station as she was being released
from a previous arrest. But she was by no means the
only one. Largely under the infamous antigay reign of
Houston Police Chief Herman Short, the ordinance was
used to hound and harass many in the gay and transgender
communities. In bars, men in drag could be arrested
unless they were on stage or on their way to or from
the stage, as remembered by Ray Hill. Likewise, the
police would go into women’s bars and arrest anyone
wearing fly-front jeans.
 Then
Phyllis Frye appeared on the scene.
“In
September, 1976, I began my full-time correction and
was subject to enforcement of the ordinance,” recounts
Phyllis. “Shortly afterwards, being terrified of
arrest via the ordinance, I wrote to every single member
of the then-Houston City Council, then-Mayor Fred Hofheinz
presiding.”
Her sole positive response was from Councilman Johnny
Goyen, who told Phyllis that he had always been puzzled
by Anne Mayes, but was especially upset over the way
that she’d been mistreated under the ordinance.
It was eventually Goyen who would sign the repeal of
the ordinance, four years later.
Part of Phyllis’ struggle was just to get policy
makers to take her seriously. She lobbied on many fronts
simultaneously, writing letters, making phone calls,
hitting the downtown government offices several times
a week, lobbying the municipal judges. She became active
in the feminist movement, joining the League of Women
Voters, where she believes that Lynne Johnson, then
president of the league, used her influence to convince
the power structure that Phyllis was indeed serious
and deserved their attention. Phyllis gave lectures
for many university classes. She even met with the deputy
chief of vice, Fred Bankston, at the invitation of then-police
chief B.G. “Pappy” Bond—pretty amazing,
considering that as they discussed the crossdressing
ordinance, Phyllis was, of course, most assuredly breaking
it. Also amazingly, she was not arrested.
As did any transgender person during that time, Phyllis
spent these four years of activism never knowing if
she was about to be arrested, although of course her
taking a public role made her most especially vulnerable.
As transgender writer Vanessa Foster Williams describes
the experience (although she herself has never been
arrested): “You’re not a fugitive, have no
outstanding warrants, obeyed the traffic laws, and you’ve
not stolen a thing. Yet you now find yourself being
handcuffed in front of a curious throng who stare and
snicker.”
In 1979, Phyllis found an advocate in Councilman Ernest
McGowen. In the spring of 1980, Councilman John Goodner
made a sarcastic slighting remark about Phyllis’
crusade, further stirring up the waters. Several council
members approached Goodner privately to take him to
task: Councilman Lance Lalor suggested that Goodner
move to repeal the ordinance, which he did, with Lalor
seconding it.
As Phyllis remembers that period: “Lance told me
to leave City Hall and not to come back until the repeal
went through. He told me to trust his skills now that
the repeal ordinance was in motion....
“On
August 12, 1980, the ordinance to repeal was again before
Council. Then-Mayor Jim McConn was out of town (as was
Jim Westmoreland). Johnny Goyen was Mayor Pro-tem. City
Secretary Anna Russell gave the repeal ordinance to
Johnny while council members Homer Ford and Larry McKaskle
were on the phone. He asked for a vote. Homer and Larry
were not even aware it was up for a vote. Councilmember
Christin Hartung was the sole and only no vote. Homer
and Larry went to Johnny Goyen about five minutes later.
In short, Johnny played dumb, saying something like,
‘Oh my goodness, did I let that slip by without
giving you guys a chance to vote NO or tag it?’”
The ordinance was repealed that day and has remained
off the books ever since.
Gay
Men’s Health Summit
Over 400 health providers, activists, and others attended
the second Gay Men’s Health Summit in Boulder,
Colorado, July 19-23. The summit featured over 100 workshops
on long-ignored health concerns like LGBT midlife, holistic
approaches to healthcare and HIV treatment, gay men
under 30, and anal/prostate health.
“There
are a lot of reasons to have this conference,”
said Kirk Read, the summit's media coordinator. “Because
we have paid a lot of attention to HIV and AIDS, a lot
of other men's health concerns have not been addressed
very well. The point is to address some of these things—a
whole host of health concerns beyond HIV. We'll be talking
about edgy things—circuit party drugs and barebacking—and
formulating intelligent responses to those issues instead
of the standard knee-jerk responses.”
After having two highly successful national conferences
on gay men’s health, the organizing collective’s
next step is to hold over a dozen regional and local
gatherings in 2001. A national Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual
and Transgender Health Summit is planned for 2003.
Staff from the Bering Support Network have been taking
the lead in getting the organizing started for a local
health summit here in Houston in summer next year. Not
limited to gay men’s health, they intend to be
inclusive of the LGBT spectrum. If you wish to become
involved, you can contact Russ Robinett at 713/526-1017
or rbmumc@clearsail.net. As a benefit for the Bering
Support Network, The Wedding will be presented Thu.–Fri.,
Aug. 17–18, 7:30 p.m., $25; and a gala Sat., Aug.
19, 7 p.m., $75. Tickets can be purchased by calling
the church, or at Basic Brothers.
AIDS Studies in Galveston
The AIDS Clinical Trials Unit in Galveston wants to
put out the word that individuals who are infected with
HIV are eligible to participate in their studies, even
if you don’t live in Galveston. UTMB is home to
one of 32 adult AIDS Clinical Trials Units (ACTUs) across
the United States and Puerto Rico that make up the AIDS
Clinical Trials Group, a national network of clinical
and basic science research sites linked with the common
goal of investigating treatments and ultimately a cure
for HIV; this network is the largest HIV clinical trial
organization in the world. Dr. Richard B. Pollard established
UTMB’s AIDS Clinical Trials Unit in 1992. At the
time, it was the only adult ACTU in Texas, Oklahoma,
New Mexico, and Louisiana. Since then, a unit has been
added in Dallas.
People choose to participate in clinical trials as a
treatment option or to enhance treatment. Participants
in a trial are followed closely by a medical team, plus
all labs and physical exam findings are shared with
a patient’s primary care provider. When a medicine
is proven to work, those participating in a trial are
the first to benefit. Also, many people are eager to
participate in clinical trials because they want to
contribute to an effort that may help others. The sooner
studies are completed, the sooner improved methods of
treatment will be available.
Before a drug is given to people, it is first studied
in the test tube and in animals to look for dangerous
side effects. Before a clinical trial can begin, the
drug must be approved by the Food and Drug Administration,
a panel of doctors, experts, and other concerned individuals.
Study visits, labs, and medications are provided at
no cost to participants; provisions for travel and child-care
expenses are available as well.
If you’re interested in participating in one of
the Galveston ACTU’s HIV studies, you can reach
them at 409/747-0214 or 877/324-ACTU, e-mail is actu@utmb.edu,
and their website is http://129.109.146.226/actu/.
Protest Against the Boy Scouts
Scouting
For All is calling for a national day of protest at
all scout councils throughout the United States of America.
“This national day of protest provides an opportunity
for fellow scouts, adult leaders, concerned individuals,
churches, and organizations who support the diversity
of the human family to oppose the BSA's bigoted and
immoral practice of discrimination against a beautiful
segment of the human family.”
The Boy Scouts national headquarters is not too far
away, in Irving, Texas, near Dallas. You can join the
protest in Irving, or protest locally at the Sam Houston
Area Council, located near downtown at 1911 Bagby. The
protest is Monday, Aug. 21, from 8–11 a.m. For
more information, contact Bruce Reeves at 713/227-5973
or by e-mail at brucereeves@sister.com.
Nationally, you can contact Scott Cozza, president of
Scouting For All, at 707/778-0564 or info@scoutingforall.org.
“Gaydar” makes it to Webster’s
NEW
YORK—Random House has announced that its latest
edition of Webster’s New College Dictionary is
keeping up with the times by adding an assortment of
computer- and Internet-related words. But among the
cultural terms Americans will now be able to find a
definitive definition for is the word “gaydar,”
which the dictionary says is a “homosexual’s
ability to spot another homosexual intuitively.”
The 1999 edition of the dictionary was slated to be
released in July.
Louisiana
high court uphold sodomy law
NEW ORLEANS—The Louisiana Supreme Court has ruled
5-2 that the state’s 195-year-old anti-sodomy law
does not violate state constitutional privacy guarantees.
“Simply
put, commission of what the legislature determines as
an immoral act, even if consensual and private, is an
injury against society itself,” wrote Justice Chet
Traylor in the majority opinion. “A violation of
the criminal law of this state is not justified as an
element of the ‘liberty’ or ‘privacy’
guaranteed by this state’s constitution. The freedom
to violate criminal law is simply anarchy and, thus,
the antithesis of an ordered constitutional system.”
The strange majority ruling drew a sharp dissent from
Justice Harry Lemmon who said the sodomy law “does
not protect persons against unwanted exposure to public
sexual behavior, but rather enforces a personal moral
fiat that extends by its terms into one’s own home.
The only apparent purpose of the prohibition is to dictate
the type of sex that is acceptable to legislators.”
Chief Justice Pascal Calogero also disagreed with the
majority and declared in his dissent that government
“has no legitimate interest or compelling reasons
for regulating, through criminal statutes, adult, private,
non-commercial, consensual acts of sexual intimacy.”
The Louisiana sodomy statute makes sodomy, including
oral and anal sex, a felony punishable by up to five
years in prison.
For more National News, check
here.
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